Tuesday, 26 May 2020

THE OTHER COVID-19 By Joseph A. Ushie

In the period of my longish absence from this homestead christened Facebook, something epochal happened. A virus descended from the Chinese Wuhan heights and spread itself regally around China and the rest of the world, killing and traumatizing the human race. From there it made straight for the Romance countries where it dealt innocent Italy a lethal blow with reverberations enveloping Spain and France. Then it turned on God’s Own Country, where it turned Trump into a physician who kept announcing prescription after prescription and assured that the virus would be over by Easter and Americans would celebrate their 2020 Easter in peace and free of coronavirus. Till date, however, the world including the powerful USA, is still grappling with this strange visitor from the Wuhan heights.

Till date, too, the coronavirus, covid-19 for short, has continued to reveal and galvanize a million matters. First, it exposed and differentiated countries that had been genuinely committed to the development of their health and education sectors from those that had not. While Britain and Cuba, for instance, stood out, a bit of ill-preparedness and the politicization of everything caught up with majority of the world’s countries, including the omnipotent Trump’s country. In this and other western countries, the pandemic further brought to the limelight the underlying inequalities that have existed among the population such that the Blacks, a minority group in most of the western countries, reported a far higher percentage of casualties than any other group because of their living with most of the covid-19-vulnerable pre-existing conditions. Next, it showed also that wealth and influence and positions in society were no armour against death as both the high and the low responded to the covid-19’s threnodic trumpet, whether in Trump’s America or in Buhari’s no-hurry Nigeria. Indeed, in Nigeria, the pandemic thoughtfully illustrated its class-blindness by its removal with surgical precision of a central figure in the government of the day, perhaps as a first warning that it wasn’t here for a joke. This certainly jolted both the high and the low of our land into the reality that the otherwise orphan health and education sectors mattered more than money and oil and mansions and banks. Indeed, the virus drew the often blocked ears of leaders to the fact that these were indeed the most crucial sectors of a nation’s existence.

Another long-lasting discovery from the covid-19 outbreak is that the distance between science and art isn’t as wide as we had always been made to believe. Indeed, as far as this pandemic is concerned, much of the attempts to arrest its spread and venom has had a tinge of guess work with traditional healers often putting themselves forward with suggestions of remedies. As scientists and other health researchers groped in the dark for a cure, accusations and counter-accusations and conspiracy theories went haywire among the high of our world, and the billionaire, Bill Gates and his vaccines, became highly loathed suspects in some places with the Bill Gates-directed punches occasionally reaching America’s final word on pandemics, Dr Anthony Fauci.

While this pandemic galvanized interest in education and the health sectors globally, in Nigeria, the season has been one of pathological hate and disdain for anything cerebral with the peak of this venom being directed at Nigeria’s university lecturers. Luckily for education’s mate in deliberate neglect, the health sector, the death of one prominent Nigerian and the circumstantial de-winging of the high of the land by a global lockdown compelled the government to make some ad hoc arrangements towards improving the sector within the country. But, unlike the health sector, education - which in other countries was given equal priority attention in view of the importance and urgency of research - was made a primary target of a localized national epidemic produced in a laboratory jointly run by the ministers of finance and labour. The laboratory itself is located in the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation, and its technical name is known as the Integrated Personnel and Payroll Information System (IPPIS). As if this national virus were meant to avenge the failure of covid-19 to target only the poor and vulnerable, the local epidemic has a specific target, especially the nation’s coterie of teachers and researchers who come under the name of the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU). In a moment when all kinds of incentives were being provided researchers in other parts of the world to enable them to contribute to the finding of a cure for the coronavirus, the Nigerian lecturers were denied such incentives. Not only were they also denied the palliatives that the government announced for the citizens, they were also vengefully denied even their salaries for months, and even when the President, Mohammadu Buhari, finally asked that the lecturers be paid their salaries unconditionally, the producer of lethal vaccines in the ministry of finance poisoned the salaries with the IPPIS vaccine, and released them in punitive fragments to the academics even in a moment such as this when death seems to be enveloping the whole world. 

Thus far, there have been treacherous celebrations of mediocrity and gleeful laughter only from those public functionaries producing and administering this lethal vaccine. The other day the minister of labour, for instance, was reported to have said lecturers were playing ludo instead of being in the laboratories finding the cure for covid-19. If the man actually said so, then it’s the peak of tragedy. For one, it is usually mentioned that the minister of labour is a medical doctor; if it is so, is his ministry a women labour room where he is operating as a medical doctor? Secondly, he was once reported to have said he saw nothing wrong with the brain drain of medical doctors from the country. Would he still say so now given the reality of the covid-19 pandemic which exposed the ill-preparedness of our health sector for any emergency? Should he not by now be ashamed of himself for displaying such ignorance of the need for more health personnel in his own country where he is supposed to be practicing medicine? Is he not at all aware of the feats Nigerian-trained doctors are recording in research-friendlier and more conducive environments even during this outbreak of coronavirus? Nigeria is potentially one of the richest nations on earth in terms of human resources, but its problem is the absence of political will by our politicians and technocrats to accept Nigeria as their home, to believe in the country, and to defeat that foolish thought that what they steal today can fortify them and their children against the vagaries and vicissitudes of tomorrow. Finally, he has “instructed” ASUU to end the strike as a condition for resuming negotiations. The minister should know that even in a moment of war, talks still go on at the negotiation table. It would not be different from ASUU’s current strike and the re-negotiation.

The other gladiator in the fight against the Nigerian University system is the Accountant-General of the federation, whose recent pronouncements reveal either a pathological hatred for lecturers or crass incompetence and ignorance, or both. If, for example, he has argued that agreements duly and mutually signed between unions and the Federal Government regarding salaries and allowances are not recognised for payment purposes, is he then going to ask the lecturers both those dead and alive to refund all such payments to them from, say 1992, when the Union worked out the current agreement with the Government of General Ibrahim Babangida, till date? That should be the most “accountable way” to go. Does he know when the government began collecting the Education Tax Fund (ETF), now Tertiary Education Trust Fund (TETFUND), which was a product of the 1992 agreement and when the law formally establishing the Fund was made? He brought out as a cheap propaganda weapon the questionable information that over 1000 lecturers failed the BVN test; does this figure include lecturers in the seven universities who received nothing at all from his anti-ASUU laboratory called IPPIS? If not, how can he lay claim to any modicum of competence when his very “competent” office can fail the test of preparing the salaries of lecturers in seven whole federal universities? How does he explain the afflictions on members of sister unions whose earnings have been most callously vandalized month after month by his office; indeed, whose salaries have been on a progressive decline since the poor workers received the lethal IPPIS vaccine in February? Three very important questions the Accountant-General and the staff of his laboratory have ignored are: 1. If it’s possible to migrate staff to the IPPIS vaccine template without their involvement as the laboratory did ASUU members, why did the staff of the laboratory waste millions of Nigeria’s money running around each of the nation’s federal universities for weeks in the name of “capturing” the details of the staff for the IPPIS vaccine platform? 2. If it’s possible for anyone’s name to be conscripted to that template without involving the “beneficiary” physically, what guarantee is there that the staff of the IPPIS laboratory cannot migrate a ghost worker to the template, as they did some deceased academics? 3. If such a great national office entrusted with disbursement of payments to the entire nation can commit the blunder of scandalously omitting the entire staff of seven universities and so thoughtlessly and dubiously or unprofessionally mutilate beyond recognition the figures for the salaries of all categories of the staff of other universities, how can such an office lay claim to any degree of competence or confidence? It is only in this brand of Nigeria that the fate of the nation’s entire education system can be placed on such questionable palms, and the citizenry would be at peace.

I don’t know how old the Accountant-General is, especially given the present scenario in the country in which qualification, experience, general soundness of mind, and calm and collected thinking no longer matter in the appointment of persons to offices. If he were anything near 40 years of age, I would be very surprised that he doesn’t really know the history of the group he’s targeting for the deadly IPPIS vaccine. If he had been more conscious of his environment and history, he would have known that he is up against a group with a Spartan spirit, not because they have access to vaccines of mass deprivation such as he has, but because they think and research and argue among themselves in order to distill for themselves the right path to follow. That the lecturers stood their grounds against submitting their BVN even when he had deployed the weapon of hunger against them in a perilous moment such as this should have taught him the lesson that the group can drag the battle against him for many seasons. This, then, is the other pandemic, the more merciless one designed by the Nigerian government and forced into the bodies of lecturers by the ministries of labour and finance, in a laboratory located in the Office of the Accountant-General of the Federation, and named IPPIS. The deadly and obnoxious IPPIS vaccine is, hence, the Vaccine of Mass Destruction of Lecturers (VMDL) targeted at the Nigerian University System, with other non-teaching members of staff suffering collateral damage. But this weapon will fail, just as others before it had done. Those Nigerian children whose parents can’t afford to send them abroad, too, must have a good education here, just as lecturers here, too, must earn a living wage. It is our right, not a privilege. And this will not wait until another species of pandemic locks the world down with our leaders de-winged before we embark on a fire brigade approach, as it is currently the case with the health sector.

Joseph A. Ushie
University of Uyo.

Friday, 20 October 2017


In Search of Lasting Calmness: How Sustainable is the Federal Government’s Amnesty Programme as a Peace Strategy in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria?

Raimi Lasisi (Ph.D.)
Department of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences,
Federal University Otuoke, Yenegoa, Bayelsa State, Nigeria
Email: lasisirr@fuotuoke.edu.ng or lazizi3001@gmail.com; Tel: 07039133303

Nwoke, N. Bieh (Ph.D.)
Department of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences,
Federal University Otuoke, Yenegoa, Bayelsa State, Nigeria
Email: bnwokenwoke@yahoo.com; Tel: 08033366959



Kidi, Zorbari (Ph.D.)

Department of General Studies, School of Foundation Studies

Ken Saro-wiwa Polytechnic Bori, Rivers State, Nigeria

Email: kididek@gmail.com; 08037068155 & 08093307705





Abstract

The exploitation of natural resources and the associated marginalization of indigenous occupants of areas with such endowments continue to act as a major driving force for conflicts around the world especially in Africa. In Nigeria’s Niger Delta region, the major triggers of resource-based violent conflicts have been the subject matter of many academics and policy analysts. The introduction of several peace strategies especially the Federal Government of Nigeria’s Amnesty programme notwithstanding, pockets of violent activities generate questions as to the sustainability of the programme. This study examined the sustainability of the Federal Government’s Amnesty Programme in the Niger Delta region. The main objective was to provide empirical evaluation of the programme in the light of its strategy in delivering peace to the region not only in the short-term but also in the long-term. Using, the philosophy of the relative deprivation theory, descriptive and Chi-Square (χ2) statistical tool, the study revealed that the amnesty programme does not address the issues that underpinned the genesis of violent agitations in the pre-amnesty era. As a result, the amnesty as a peace strategy is not sustainable. Hence, the inability to address issues such as adverse human development, inadequate infrastructure, environmental degradation and poverty among others strongly undermines the Amnesty programme as a viable peace strategy. Given these findings, the study suggested among others, a broad-based multi-stakeholder approach that draws on private sectors resources and competence in order to sustain the gains of the amnesty programme if it is to bring about lasting peace in the region.



Keywords: Violent agitation, Federal Government of Nigeria, amnesty programme, sustainable peace strategy, Niger Delta region



Making Everyone Count: A Sustainable Stakeholder Value Creation Model for International Oil Corporations (IOCs) in the Niger Delta

Region of Nigeria

Raimi Lasisi (Ph.D)

Department of Sociology and Anthropology,

Federal University of Otuoke, Bayelsa State, Nigeria

Email: lazizi3001@gmail.com Phone: 07039133303





Abstract

The implication of ineffective social value creation models has both short and long term effects on the business of International Oil Corporations (IOCs) globally. Within the Niger Delta region of Nigeria, the manner with which IOCs create value is becoming important in understanding social investment behaviour. Yet very little research have been done in this regard. This study examines organizational effectiveness and how to make everyone count in sustainable value creation for stakeholders by IOCs focusing on Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) of Nigeria. Essentially, the aim of the study is to provide a logical model to enable IOCs deliver sustainable value to stakeholders while maintaining long-term business viability. Therefore, relying on the case study approach and grounded theory methods which focuses on using axial and selective codes from interviews to arrive at models, the study reveals that previous attempts at stakeholder value creation by IOCs are narrow, reactive and unsustainable. This is attributed to insufficient interaction between the companies and community members which also leads to weak integration of community perspective into IOCs’ social investment strategy in the region. This challenge of insufficient interaction and integration creates the necessary condition for social risks to business and society. This leads to the suggestion of a new interaction and integration model that act as enablers of trust in IOCs by communities. As the organization genuinely integrates community perspectives into its activities, this is likely to translate into some level of transparency and accountability. However, this can only be sustained with timely delivery of social investment obligations on the part of the company.



Key Words: Sustainable stakeholder value creation, social risks, international oil corporations, SPDC, Niger Delta region

Tuesday, 6 October 2015

SoPerf Konsult

Raimi Lasisi holds a Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) degree in Sociology of Development from the University of Port Harcourt, Nigeria. He currently works as a Lecturer with the Department of Social Sciences at the Federal University Otuoke, Bayelsa State, Nigeria where he teaches curses in Development Studies, Sociological Theories, Political Sociology among others. Dr. Raimi is also on a fellowship contract with the Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) of Nigeria where he provides specialist services in the following areas; strategy and planning, social investment strategy, as well as sustainable development reporting among others

Dr. Raimi is also the lead person at SoPerf Konsult, a consultancy outfit which he co-started with a team of friends in 2011. At SoPerf Kunsult, we engage in sustainability assurance measurement, corporate and individual research contracts involving baseline needs assessment studies, Social Impact Assessment, Disaster Risk Assessment, public opinion research and other related surveys. In addition, we also engage in capacity building programmes for public and private sector organizations.

Education

Building Capacity for Teachers in the Niger Delta Region as a way of improving academic performance of young pupils/students 

Wednesday, 16 June 2010

Entrepreneurship Education and Human Capital Development
Lessons from a Nigerian University


Raimi Lasisi
School of Graduate Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology, University of Port Harcourt, Port Harcourt, Nigeria.
E-mail: lazizi3001@yahoo.com and lazizi3001@gmail.com 

Bieh, N. Nwoke
School of Graduate Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Department of Sociology,
University of Port Harcourt, Port Harcourt, Nigeria.
E-mail:

ABSTRACT
The high rate of unemployment that has continued to plague university graduates in the country is a serious challenge for national development. The colonial mentality in the first generation of graduates in Nigeria, which was deep-rooted in the Golden Fleece and certificate frenzy, influenced the limited spirit of entrepreneurship. This paper examines the prospect of entrepreneurial education for human capital development in Nigerian Universities. It adopts a case study approach in arriving at useful data in the analysis of the linkage between entrepreneurial drive, job and wealth creation and the competitiveness of Nigerian graduates given the contemporary global economic crisis. The kernel of the paper is the emphasis on a synergy between theories and practice as should be manifested in the various research and development centres to foster technological and entrepreneurship knowledge in the universities. The introduction of entrepreneurship education as a compulsory course in the Nigerian university system is seen as a measure to address the problem of graduate unemployment and human capital development. It is recommended that the various entrepreneurial centres should be duly equipped with up to date facilities to drive home the much needed human capital development, so that impending graduates could cope with the harsh economic realities in the wider Nigerian society. The paper concludes that curriculum review, sensitization, advocacy and mobilization of support for entrepreneurship education, funding and administrative will are the necessary ingredients for entrepreneurship culture and human capital development.

KEY WORDS: entrepreneurship education, human capital, national development